Project Description

CHAPTER ONE

 

INTRODUCTION

 

1.1       BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

The thesis, Plato’s Republic and the Nigerian Polity, derives from the earliest dialogue of Plato, The Republic. It situates around the Nigerian and Athenian societies. Its aim is to determine the relevance of Plato’s theories in his book The Republic to contemporary Nigerian society. The theories of Plato are only relevant to Nigeria if their validity can be established in the first instance.

In his book, The Republic, Plato tries to idealize the world and to envision the just society where man can find fulfillment in life. In order to accomplish his vision of a just society, he tries to construct an ideal pattern that can eventually lead to the achievement of the just state. In the process of constructing the ideal state he sets standards for mankind to follow in their quest for a just society; a fit which no nation in the world has achieved since the time of Plato.

This thesis sets out to establish whether Plato’s ideal construct is feasible and whether it is practicable in Nigeria in view of her peculiar circumstance as a nation since 1960.

THE ESSENCE OF THEORY

Nkrumah argues that a non-western student has no excuse for opting to study western philosophy like his western counterpart, because he lacks even the minimal excuse of belonging to the Western Cultural history.

He argues (1964:55):

It is my opinion that when we study a philosophy which is not ours, we must see it in the context of the intellectual history to which it belongs, and we must see it in the context of the milieu in which it was born. That way we can use it in the furtherance of cultural development and in the strengthening of our society.

 

Nkrumah further argues that the evaluation of one’s social circumstance is part of the analysis of facts and events and this kind of evaluation is a good starting point of inquiry into the relations between philosophy and society. Philosophy in understanding human society calls for an analysis of facts and events and an attempt to see how they fit into human life and so how they make up human experience. In this way, philosophy like history can come to enrich, indeed to define, the experience of man.

While narrating his experience during the period of his studentship in Europe and America, Nkrumah (1964:2) admits thus:

I was introduced to Plato, Aristotle, Descartes, Kant, Hegel, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Marx and other immortals to whom I should like to refer as the university philosophers.

 

The proceeding discussion leads us to the question why the ancient Greek period was chosen and in particular Plato’s Republic. The choice of Plato’s philosophy (theory) is not a misplaced priority, because there is no limitation to knowledge or human understanding. The choice of study could have been any other character, period or area of study.

But every historical epoch or subject has qualities of its own which endears it to the scholar who has made it his area of investigation. Therefore, the choice of Plato the philosopher and his ideal Republic is a good starting point of inquiry into the nature of political philosophy (theory)

Before the nineteenth century, all subject areas were studied under the umbrella of philosophy and those who engaged in political enterprise were called philosophers or scientists. From the nineteenth century the knowledge of the universe was divided into Physical Sciences and Humanities, while Humanities was further divided into Arts and Social Sciences for better understanding. From henceforth political philosophy came under normative political science or normative political theory and a political philosopher could be called a political theorist.

In the realm of political theory, there are two broad categories of study; the normative and empirical studies. First, the normative political scientist can employ the method of reasoning to arrive at conclusions about phenomena or event and to systematically investigate issues. For instance, Plato will insist that there exist some permanent immutable ideas to which reality should approximate.

Second, the empirical political scientist will observe and experience, and try to construct a general theory that is based on plethora of facts and data. He does not accept knowledge that is ready made and which cannot be justified. For instance, Locke believes that concepts are derived from our observation of the material reality. Those who engage in empirical studies are called materialists or realists.

Dahl (1965:10) argues that politics can be studied in the normative or empirical context. In this case, normative questions can be raised in the empirical context and empirical questions in the normative context. The method being used depends on the questions being asked and on the answers being expected.

Igwe (2005:338-339) defines political theory as:

The logical and objective principles that govern, as well as the derivative explanations given to political phenomena. Political theory thus encompasses all the assumptions, generalizations and levels of analysis on political life and the state, including the attainment of various political ideals, such as the good society, equality, justice, related to political thought and political philosophy on the one hand partly because many of the ideas examined in political thought form part of the constitutive elements in the theoretical generalizations, while on the other hand, the practical substantiation of certain philosophical conclusions places them closer to a theory.

 

Igwe further categorizes political theories as either progressive or unprogressive, liberal or conservative, democratic, western and non-western, revolutionary and reactionary, ancient, medieval and modern. He distinguishes between the traditional method of study which conforms with the normative, philosophical and historical methods, with emphasis on values, the way the society ought to be, instead of the way it is, and imply a more qualitative than quantitative approach and empirical political theory that deals with objective reality, the world as it is, not as it ought to be.

POLITICAL IDEALISM

In the realm of political theory there are two broad categories of thought which represent two schools of thought: the idealist and realist schools. The idealist school of thought represents normative political thought both in character and orientation. The normative political scientist prescribes standards or form of behaviour to which people must conform. Normative statements include such words like ought, should and must.

By idealism, therefore, we mean the pride, shame, joy and all other feelings supplied by our five senses as well as thoughts teeming in the minds. There are also two forms of idealism which the philosopher or the scientist contends with seriously: subjective and objective idealism. First, subjective idealism states that everything commonly regarded as material exists solely in the mind of man. While objective idealism states that the primary source of being is not man’s consciousness, but consciousness without man. This means that there is some objective spirit independent of human consciousness.

Hegel argues that ideas are found in human heads. While Berkeley states that all those bodies which compose the mighty frame of the world have not any substance without the mind. The preceding statement being credited to Berkeley may mean two things. First, that outside consciousness there is nothing and second, to exist is to be perceived; therefore, what nobody perceives does not exist. But the objective idealists Plato and Hegel recognize that nature exists independently of the mind.

People who are skeptical of the nature of ideal ask question whether there is any good reason to idealize the world. The idealist philosopher or the political scientist is primarily concerned with the perfectability of man and that is why he thinks about the ideal world situation. The idealist spells out what ought to be or should be and tries to juxtapose what ought to be with reality.

The idealist can be utopian in his thinking and perception. He can engage in political speculations which often times implicate him in political soothsaying. Therefore, the question posed by the skeptics does not diminish the importance of idealism to a society, especially the ability of the political scientist to idealize the world or to construct an idea world. It is from the ideal construct that one can approximate to reality.

POLITICAL REALISM

Scientific research whether in the natural or social sciences raises the question of realism. In other words what constitutes realism. First, realism means what actually is as distinct from what ought to be. It sees situation as it is, and not as it ought to have been.

The essence of social and political research is to arrive at the truth. When a research is well thought out and properly conducted, its outcome represents reality. It means that the malignant myth that has affected that aspect of knowledge is broken to allow truth to permanently manifest. In this case reality is the stage in the development of knowledge where the truth remains unchanging, indestructible and eternal. The final answer to the persistent question is found. At this stage the fact on the ground cannot be questioned and the outcome of research becomes irreducible.

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM

In political discourse, polity, state and political system are used interchangeably. But the distinction between them makes no difference.

First, polity is the English equivalent of polis; meaning city state. Whereas polis means city state, polity perse, means political society. The original meaning of polis is ‘well fortified palace’ that provides security for people in times of war. In contemporary usage polis stands for city state, while politeai stands for politics. The Greek city states practiced variety of system: monarchies, aristocracies, oligarchies, democracies and tyrannies.

Second, the institutional variety which we call a polity or a political system is a framework for problem solving. When we look at the polity or the political system, the reality can be understood in terms of input, conversion and output functions. Easton (1965) writes:

What distinguishes political interactions from all other kinds of social interactions are that they are predominantly oriented towards the authoritative allocation of values for the society. Thus, we established two essential variables for all and any kinds of political system as ‘the making and execution of decisions for a society and their relative frequency of acceptance as authoritative and binding, by the bulk of the society.

 

Third, it is the state that defines the problems, how such problems are to be solved, the tools that are to be used and what should count as solutions. In the course of solving such problems rules are developed to govern the processes that are involved and to differentiate one system from the other.

What is already implied in the above discussion is that only the state can provide a framework for politics. Aristotle’s definition of politics as a means of achieving order in the society, gives credence to Easton’s theory that the state is the legitimate order that maintains and transforms the society.

Aristotle (Sinclair, 1978:25) defines politics thus:

Every state is an association of persons formed with a view to some good purpose. Good because in their actions all men do in fact aim at what they think good. All associations aim at some good, that one which is supreme and embraces good, that one which is supreme and embraces all others will also have its aim, the supreme good. That is the association we call the state and the type of society we call political. Politics and its consequences are possible only within the framework of an organized community of people, the state

 

Easton raises two important functions of the political system. In the first category is the universality of political functions. This includes such input functions like interest articulation, interest aggregation, socialization, recruitment and communication functions. The second category embraces rule making, rule implementation rule interpretation functions and the feedback.

Another is the multi-functionality of political systems, which states that structures are capable of performing more than a single function. A good example is that in Britain, the Lord Chancellor can perform in the three organs of government: member of the executive member of the parliament and the highest law lord while acting in his judicial capacity.

The argument so far is that unless we are talking about the primitive societies, modern political systems must be endowed with relevant political structures to enable them perform requisite political functions for the entire society. The universal functions of political systems are found in all societies, whether differentiated or diffused. The only exceptions are the primitive societies. Therefore, the Nigerian polity cannot be excluded from the universal ideals.

The focus of this thesis are justice in the state and political order in the society. These include the fundamental human rights which are found in Chapter IV, Section 33-46 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999), and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948.

The question being raised is whether Nigeria fits into the Universal ideals, especially those enunciated by such great immortals like Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. If the answer to the question being investigated is positive, then, the impression that Nigeria is a failed state must have been erased.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DECAY

Since 1960 Nigerians had witnessed corruption in an unprecedented scale. There had been wasteful alternation between corrupt and inept civilian administrations and military regimes. Although Nigeria is highly committed to the principles of democracy and rule of law, political corruption is knee deep as national elections are blatantly rigged by party agents through overt and covert means, in favour of the anointed candidates.

Politics in Nigeria take place outside the framework of rules. Between 1960 and 2012, the political class have not conducted any credible elections. Election rigging manifest in the following ways: faulty registration, deregistration, shifting the venue, late arrival of voting materials, designation of special voting centres, carrying the ballot boxes, destruction of the ballot boxes, manipulation of votes through allocation, announcing results before votes are counted and cancellation of results.

The government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is run like secret cult fraternity and only the initiates benefit from the ruling government, while others not in the power centre of the government are completely excluded from the distribution of the national wealth.

Governments do not adopt coordinated strategies for achieving the purpose of state. In consequence promises are not translated into policies and programmes that can benefit the people. The cost of on going projects is over valued and without passing through the tenders’ board for proper scrutiny. More often than not such over valued contracts are abandoned at the take off stage, after the mobilization fees must have been collected.

Administrative rules and strategies are discarded as major government decisions are made outside the rules that govern public conduct. Just a few examples will suffice. Such important national issues like employment, remuneration for workers, national revenue sharing, sharing the spoils of office, admissions and scholarships, citing of industries, universities and colleges, award of national honours, appointment of court judges, Vice-Chancellors and ministerial positions, are done without due process.

THE SEARCH FOR IDEAL SOCIETY

 

The search for a new political order in Nigeria has been a continuous one since the dawn of political independence in 1960, and yet the vision of the founding fathers of Nigeria has not been achieved because of ethno-religious factors, in-fighting and lack of ideological direction.

If we look at our performance as a nation in the past fifty years of our existence, it will become clear that the incompetent and inept ruling class compromised the ideals of Nigerian nationhood which the founding fathers had held sacrosanct. It will seem as if the nationalists who fought for political independence not only desecrated the course of human freedom but also deceived the people.

After fifty years of drift, ineptitude, corruption and disappointments, Nigeria needs a new political system that is humane and just to take care of the basic problems and needs of her people. This thesis is quite appropriate now that the new search for an ideal political system is gathering momentum. It is indeed against this background that we have taken up this research as evidence that we are determined to re-engineer the political system of our country in order to enable it achieve maximum results. We want to be part of this epoch making event.

The goal of this thesis is to establish the relevance of political theory to political practice, especially the relevance of Plato’s political theories in his book The Republic to contemporary Nigerian society and politics. In Nigeria it is erroneously believed especially by the political class that political theory is not relevant to nation building. It is our considered view in this thesis that political theory is a necessary guide to political practice as it provides not only the required framework, but also the strategies for the attainment of the state objectives.

If we must move Nigeria forward in the twenty-first century, we must first of all re-visit political theories, especially those of the ancient Greeks; in order to borrow from their ideas on nation building. In doing that we must be mindful of uncritical absorption of the social and political ideas of other nations. We must adopt the ideas that are relevant and critical to nation building in our country.

Actually, there is nothing so practical as theory. That is why the political theories of any nation cannot be dismissed with a wave of the hand. Social life is organized around social thought and Nigeria cannot be treated differently from the rest of the world.

Actually, no nation in the world is completely bereft of thoughts as these can be found in the people’s institutions and practices, history, language and culture. Also no nation can develop or even survive in this competitive if it remains in isolation. This makes exchange of ideas at cross-cultural level a great imperative.

They are some Nigerians whose thoughts are both systematic and consistent. Nevertheless, our new political engineering attitudes require that we must borrow some ideas from the political philosophers, thinkers and theorists from other nations in order to supplement what we already have. That is why we have chosen the Ancient Greek period, Plato the philosopher, and his Republic in particular.

 

1.2       STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Plato’s The Republic is chosen as the focus of this study, hence, the title of this thesis is Plato’s The Republic and the Nigerian polity. The reason is because there is ever increasing need to establish a relationship between political theory and political practice, especially in Nigeria. That is why we want to relate the social and political theories of the great philosopher Plato to the immediate Nigerian society. This will enable us to also establish areas of similarity and difference between Nigeria and Athenian societies and indeed their political systems. Based on the findings the theories relevant to Nigeria will be identified and adopt to suit the type of society that we want to build.

THEORY

There is no doubt that theory is the principle that guides action. According to Wilhelm Liebknecht, in Nkrumah (1973:vii).

To negotiate with forces that are hostile on matters of principle means to sacrifice principle itself. Principle is indivisible. It is either wholly kept or wholly sacrificed. The slightest concession on matters of principle infers the abandonment of principle.

 

In Nigeria theory and practice do no go together, because political practitioners do not give serious thought to the type of society they want to build for their people, now and in future. The elite who jostle for power and wealth have not embraced theory. While alluding to theory, the former military governor of the defunct Kaduna State of Nigeria, Major-General Hassan Katsina says in Dudley (1975:5-6) “Nigerians should concern themselves with the development objectives of the regime and not with the polity paradigm and its related problem solving rules”.

It is absolutely impossible to develop a whole system or the sub-system of the whole system – social, economic and political, if we cannot come to terms with the paradigm (framework) and its rules. It is the rules that often time define the objectives.

In the same vein, the former Federal Minister of Finance under the Gowon regime Alhaji Shehu Usman Shagari (later President Shagari) in 1972 derided the Report of the Professor Aboyade Committee on Nigerian economy as being too technical. That was how the Professor Aboyade report was thrown into the dustbin by the Gowon regime that established the Committee ab initio.

JUSTICE IN NIGERIA

The imperative of justice for the survival of the Nigerian nation cannot be under estimated. That is why justice is our main focus of investigation in this thesis. This is because to appreciate justice, we must understand what it is really made of. The contemporary Nigerian society needs justice to survive because injustice manifests in all facets of our national life. The Nigerian intellectuals just like the Athenian philosophers, have not agreed on what justice or injustice really is or should be.

Raphael (1977) however identifies the attributes of justice as democracy, essential human rights and rule of law. These attributes are lacking in Nigerian polity. To maintain peace, stability and development in Nigerian society, there must be justice.

 

EDUCATION IN NIGERIA

In his ideal pattern, Plato recognizes education as relevant to building a just state. As Heater (1990) rightly points out, the emphasis on Plato’s education scheme is so much on framing a curriculum on liberal education rather than a study of political science. Nigerians too are great lovers of education as demonstrated by their serious commitment to learning at all levels of education.

Apart from the primary needs of training the mind and character, the educational potentials of Nigerians have not been fully realized, especially the education of the would-be philosopher-kings. It is yet to be separated from general education, clearly defined and incorporated into the national education curricula.

There are some fundamental problems affecting Nigerian education, which must be addressed, such as over expansion without adequate infrastructures to match, policy somersault, population explosion, crisis in the national body politic and the dichotomy between western and Islamic education.

NATIONAL IDEOLOGY

Plato recommends communism in his ideal state. This must come through the abolition of the family and common ownership of children and property. Plato’s view on ideology is not based on the principles of dialectics. The Nigerian masses who suffer alienation want the adoption of a truly national ideology. But the attitude of the intellectual and political classes does not favour the adoption of a national ideology.

 

POLITICAL INSTABILITY

The political instability in Nigeria since 1960 is reminiscent of that of Athens after the death of Pericles in 404 B.C. This has also manifested in form of constitutional instability with wasteful alternation between civilian and military constitutions. This thesis will examine why the previous constitutions failed. It will also examine the main cause of crises in the national body politic.

The inference is that if the political system of Nigeria does not meet modern challenges it is because the elite who jostle for power and wealth have not embraced political theory. From cradle to civilization human existence has always motivated people to think about the state. Social and political theories are the outcome of life in the society. People from different countries had at different times contributed to the development of social theories, but one thing common to them is that theories emanate from specific human conditions and from particular social milieux.

People not only perceive but also think about their immediate societies in terms of the ideals. Often times questions are raised about human existence in order to proffer solutions to existing social problems. When people’s ideas and thoughts coincide with their societies’ needs, they become societal ideas and thoughts. No society in the contemporary world is bereft of thought on account of religion or race. But when the dominant ideas acquire universal appeals they become universal ideas.

The first problem posed by this research is whether the Greek idea of justice is feasible in Nigeria. In other words, does justice really exist in Nigeria? If it does not exist, can Nigeria borrow from the Greek idea of justice?

The second question is whether the just state ruled by the philosopher-kings is feasible in Nigeria? This hinges on the quality of leadership in Nigeria and how altruistic their intentions are to build a just state ruled by its philosopher-kings.

The question is whether Nigeria approximates to the ideal state which Plato tries to imagine in his book The Republic. This also leads us to the question whether the Nigerian system of education is well designed and properly suited to produce the philosopher-rulers and guardians.

For a better understanding, the research questions are hereby restated in summary form:

1. Is the Greek idea of justice as conceived by Plato, relevant to and feasible in Nigeria?
2. Is Plato’s concept of the ideal state governed by philosopher kings possible in Nigeria?

It is a common knowledge that all human societies are founded on principle of justice enunciated by great men and women. The same thing applies to Nigeria. It is imperative that Nigeria must as a matter of priority embrace theory. Nigerians must explore and exploit those qualities of greatness and achievements which catapulted Athens to world fame.

It is our conviction that Nigeria has a lot to learn from the Greek ideas of politics, democracy and society justice. The world has become a global village. Therefore Nigeria cannot remain isolated from the rest of world for too long. Although it is necessary to borrow from the ideas of other nations to supplement what we already have we do not support uncritical absorption of ideas from those nations. Such ideas must be modified and adapted to suit our local conditions.

 

1.3       OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

First, the objective of this study is to compare the two systems Nigeria and Athens, in order to see whether Nigerians can learn any lessons from the contributions of the early Greek intellectuals. The areas of emphasis are justice in the state and political order in the society. The two systems have shared values, beliefs and ideas which can be exploited and put to end use that can benefit their own peoples. This thesis has helped us draw inferences and arrive at conclusions about situations and events in the two societies.

Second, the political theories of Plato as embodied in the ‘Republic’, his other works and related literature have been examined to determine their continued relevance to Nigeria.

Third, another important question that is central to this research is whether theory can ever square up with practice. The objective of this research is to establish a meeting point between the theory and practice of state. While Plato argues that practice comes less close to truth than theory, Marx argues that nothing is so practical as theory.

This research seeks to establish a link between justice and political order in the state and to further determine their relevance to nation building in Nigeria. The fundamental objective of this research is to harmonize Plato’s theories so that Nigeria can take her bearing from the empirical world views.

Fourth, to evaluate our performance as a nation since 1960 and this includes areas where Nigeria has excelled or failed. Nigeria is labelled a pathological state or a failed state. The purpose of this research is to examine the problems of nation building in Nigeria in perspective and to determine what should be done in order to restore her to her primordial sanity.

Fifth, to review the present system of education in Nigeria so that we can accommodate what is best in Athenian and Spartan education. A thorough blend of the systems of education in Athens, Sparta and Nigeria will give rise to a new system of education that is viable and functionally relevant to the needs of Nigerians.

Sixth, we need to end the constitutional instability and crisis in the body politic of Nigeria and also to entrench functioning and best constitution for posterity. At the end of this research we must encourage Nigerians to help design new constitution that is suitable to the realization of the collective interests of their people.

In summary, the research has two main objectives to establish:

1. Whether the Greek idea of justice as conceived by Plato is relevant to and feasible in Nigeria.
2. Whether Plato’s concept of the ideal state governed by philosopher Kings is possible in Nigeria

 

1.4       SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

First, this research is particularly relevant to the universities in Nigeria and to other universities in the world. We now know that the Academy which was established by Plato in 386BC with the attributes of a university. It was a great centre of learning where people from different parts of the world came to acquire knowledge in different academic disciplines. Today, Plato’s Academy and all it stood for is still very relevant to us. Most of the great centres of learning in the world were later fashioned after Plato’s Academy.

Also the Greek system of education laid emphasis on knowledge, character moulding and discipline; hence, Socrates said that education was the training of the mind and character. These form the foundation for the principles and practice of Nigerian education.

The works of Plato, especially The Republic are studied in the universities and other institutions of higher learning all over the world, including Nigeria. The university professors, lecturers, students, members of the university and interested readers, for societies for the propagation of Plato’s philosophy. This is called Platonism in civilized societies. They propagate the ideals of Plato through different media; such as researches, conferences, symposia, seminars, publications in textbooks and learned journals and dialogues on the works of Plato.

In Nigeria, the pioneers of education and successive governments have encouraged the teaching of Plato’s works, especially The Republic to different categories of students. Plato’s Republic is a very important aspect of university curricula in Nigeria. This is because its study is a starting point of inquiry into the nature of political philosophy.

Professor Peter Ekeh observes that in contemporary Nigeria, scholarship it is common to enjoin academics to establish the relevance of their research and teaching. While trying to answer the question of relevance, Ekeh identifies two levels of relevance. The first level of relevance is the relevance in the university and according to him it is of a higher order, because university level relevance is theory soaked and grounded on risky proposition. The second level of relevance according to him is the relevance for which trade centres and polytechnics are fitted. In his view trade centre and polytechnic relevance is pre-packaged, and ready for delivery.

Ekeh further says that universities are instituted to trade on ideas. This he call idle curiosity. He further maintains that for a university ideal curiosity is a virtue as intellectuals engage in theorizing in order to help provide solutions to existing problems. Therefore, relevance in a university attains greater credibility once it is clear that the subject of discourse is of a higher order relevance. On the relevance of his commitments Ekeh (1983:24) writes thus:

There is relevance and there is relevance. There is pre-packaged relevance, ready for delivery. Thus is the type of relevance, cut and dried for which trade centres and our polytechnics are fitted. But relevance in a university is of a higher order. University-level relevance is theory-soaked and is grounded on risky propositions. Universities, first and foremost are instituted to trade on ideas. Idle curiosity may be rightly frowned upon in a trade centre. For a university idle curiosity is a virtue. And relevance in a university attains greater credibility the more it is clear that the subject-matter of discourage is above the capabilities of lower scale institutions of learning.

 

Some people are skeptical about the relevance of this research to contemporary Nigerian society. This study falls within Ekeh’s university-level relevance that deals with theories and propositions. It is a virtue because the subject matter of discourse can be better discussed within the university setting. This study is therefore relevant to the university because Plato’s theories can be analysed in all their ramifications by intellectuals who are interested in different aspects of his theories.

There is serious doubt in many quarters concerning the ability of political scientists to offer credible solutions to myriad problems confronting the society. This is called skepticism and it manifests in people’s behaviour and utterances. The former military governor of Cross River State of Nigeria, Brigadier-General John Udoka Esuene (1983) under estimates the importance of political theory when he says that the contributions of the former secretary to the Cross Rivers State Government, Professor Essien Udom is inconsequential and irrelevant to the practical challenges of urgent development needs of a state in a hurry.

The views of Brigadier-General Esuene and his counterpart Major-General Katsina, are not only pernicious but also misplaced. Their concept of development is neither defined nor limited. Development can be negative or positive but they failed to tell us what aspect of development they are emphasizing. To accept this view would be to undermine the sense of commitment on which development crucially depends.

Still on that the Sylvanus Cookey report on the ideal political system for Nigeria recommended among other things the choice of a national ideology on which development was to be based. The government white paper on the Cookey’s report (1986) says emphatically that Nigeria is not interested in such musings like ideology. The government white paper says that Nigeria is not yet ripe for ideology, adding that ideology will come with age and maturity. The government white paper finally recommends ideological neutrality for Nigeria when it recommends that Nigeria should move a little bit to the left and a little bit to the right of the centre of ideological spectrum.

These cynical views of Nigerian leaders are intended to undermine genuine intellectual opinions that are needed in any nation. If socio-political developments of Nigeria have not taken a giant stride it is because the political class under estimate the importance of political theory. The essence of this study is to relate political theories to the practical needs of our immediate society. Nkrumah (1964) argues that thought without practice is empty and practice without thought is blind. The inference is that theory offers a necessary guide to action.

This study provides political education for people inside and outside the universities. Political education is necessary because an educated citizenry will become intellectually better equipped to play useful role in nation building. It will help the citizenry handle state affairs with sense of maturity, for example, people will make better choices and also cast intelligent ballot. On political education De Tocqueville says that for every serious revolutionary group, political education is a sine qua non. It is more important than military education and newspaper is worth more than any number of tanks.

The knowledge of the universe is very vast to be embodied in a single book or in the ideas of a single omnipotent individual. In the same way, no single theory can traverse or explain adequately the contemporary social problems. Therefore the essence of this study is to expatiate further on Plato’s political theories and expunge from his political theories some of his bizarre ideas as evidence that philosophy is of age. Also, this study has increased the repository of knowledge thereby helping in closing the gap in existing knowledge. It helps to lay the foundation for a new Nigeria of our dream where no man is oppressed.

Another is the leadership problem in the country. When it is said that Nigeria is under developed, it also implies that the society is replete with incompetent, corrupt and inept leadership. The significance of this research lies in the fact that its beneficiaries will develop their potential for effective leadership and good citizenship which are vital to the realization of the state objectives. In Plato’s Republic physical education, military training and character moulding are recommended for the guardians and philosopher-rulers. The same is quite applicable to Nigeria.

Plato had Athenian city state in mind when he wrote his book The Republic. Since that time a lot of things have changed. Even while he was still a life, some of his works had raised controversies among his peers. Since his demise in 347 BC, his book Republic has continued to raise very important questions. This study goes along way to demystify Plato and expose some of his bizarre ideas, so that Nigeria can take a new bearing from what is accepted as the universal ideals.

There is wrong fixed notion of Europe about Africa as a continent with mentally retarded people. In 1947 Professor W.M. Massey of the University College London rejected Chike Obi’s Ph.D proposal on Mathematics; ‘Periodic solutions on Non-Linear Differential Equations of the Second Order’, on the basis that the proposal was too complex for the brains of an African and instead he tried to impose on Obi his own proposal on ‘Atomic Radiation’. Chike Obi (later Professor) was the first African to graduate with Ph.D in Mathematics at Cambridge University England.

Our position is that no continent, country or race of the world is bereft of thought. The African does not think at prelogical and the European at a logical level. There is no qualitative difference between the way of thinking of the African and the European, as both obtain data, use principle of causation to arrive at logical and valid conclusions. What we have done is to see whether Nigeria can learn from the experience of Greek intellectuals.

The significance of this thesis is hereby summarized as follows;

1. To expose Plato’s utopia in his book The Republic and to clear some obvious ambiguities in his works.
2. To internalize those aspects of Plato’s thought that are still relevant to us.
3. To generate new arguments, theories and methods of political science.
4. To offer new strategies for rebuilding the Nigerian society.
5. To think about society, politics and human excellence.

 

1.5       SCOPE OF THE STUDY

Every serious study starts with the choice of topic, delimitation of the area of study, determination of the scope of study and choice of methodology on which the analysis is to be based. Once the problem or issue being investigated is clearly defined, it is further broken down into components and each component is taken in turn for thorough examination. This is called political analysis.

The scope of this thesis covers the ancient Greek city state of Athens and the contemporary state of Nigeria. The study covers the geography, history, population, economy, politics, religion, law, ethics and morals in the two countries.

The study is intended to compare in historical perspectives the things that are common to Nigeria and Athens as well as their difference. It covers the social and political theories of the Greeks particularly the theories of Plato in order to find out whether Nigeria has anything to learn from their theories.

The thesis also covers the contemporary history, politics, ethics, religion, law and moral of Nigeria from 1960 to 2010 which corresponds with fifty years of Nigerian nationhood. The period under study covers fifty years, 1960 to 2010 and it is being related to ancient Athenian society in order to see whether Nigeria can still borrow from the theories of the Greeks or whether such theories can be discarded in view of paradigm shift.

 

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